Desiree Armfeldt: Hello, mother. Madame Arnfeldt: To what do I owe the honor of this visit? Desiree Armfeldt: I just thought I'd pop out and see you both, is that so surprising? Madame Arnfeldt: Yes. Desiree Armfeldt: You're in one of your bitchy moods, I see. Madame Arnfeldt: If you've come to take Fredrika back, the answer is no. I do not object to the immorality of your life; merely to its sloppiness. Since I have been tidy enough to have acquired a sizeable mansion and a fleet of servants, it seems only common sense that my granddaughter should reap the advantages of it. Isn't that so, child? Fredrika Arnfeldt: I really don't know, Grandmother. Madame Arnfeldt: Oh, yes, you do, dear.
The use of sea and air is common to all; neither can a title to the ocean belong to any people or private persons, forasmuch as neither nature nor public use and custom permit any possession therof.
I almost wish we were butterflies and liv'd but three summer days - three such days with you I could fill with more delight than fifty common years could ever contain.
Any war that requires the suspension of reason as a necessity for support is a bad war.
Some legislators only wish to vengeance against a particular enemy. Others only look out for themselves. They devote very little time on the consideration of any public issue. They think that no harm will come from their neglect. They act as if it is always the business of somebody else to look after this or that. When this selfish notion is entertained by all, the commonwealth slowly begins to decay.
Far be it from me to ever let my common sense get in the way of my stupidity. I say we press on.
A proper community, we should remember also, is a commonwealth: a place, a resource, an economy. It answers the needs, practical as well as social and spiritual, of its members - among them the need to need one another. The answer to the present alignment of political power with wealth is the restoration of the identity of community and economy. (pg. 63,
In a society in which nearly everybody is dominated by somebody else's mind or by a disembodied mind, it becomes increasingly difficult to learn the truth about the activities of governments and corporations, about the quality or value of products, or about the health of one's own place and economy. In such a society, also, our private economies will depend less and less upon the private ownership of real, usable property, and more and more upon property that is institutional and abstract, beyond individual control, such as money, insurance policies, certificates of deposit, stocks, and shares. And as our private economies become more abstract, the mutual, free helps and pleasures of family and community life will be supplanted by a kind of displaced or placeless citizenship and by commerce with impersonal and self-interested suppliers... Thus, although we are not slaves in name, and cannot be carried to market and sold as somebody else's legal chattels, we are free only within narrow limits. For all our talk about liberation and personal autonomy, there are few choices that we are free to make. What would be the point, for example, if a majority of our people decided to be self-employed? The great enemy of freedom is the alignment of political power with wealth. This alignment destroys the commonwealth - that is, the natural wealth of localities and the local economies of household, neighborhood, and community - and so destroys democracy, of which the commonwealth is the foundation and practical means. (pg. 57-58,
There is no UFO and also there is no alien, at least not in common mind nor reference.
intuition is always right in at least two important ways; It is always in response to something. it always has your best interest at heart
If you want to be sure of unusual thing such as aliens or UFOs, then you have to think about it from an unusual way of thinking.
If we reject science, we reject the common man.
If you want to find wilier race by common sense, then you have just narrowed your searching area.
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